I’m posting a draft of a prospectus I wrote while I was in college for what was going to be my senior thesis in Black Studies at Amherst College. In the end, I decided to write about the formation of the Dominican diaspora in New York City following the U.S. invasion of Dominican Republic in 1965. The draft below is an unedited version of what I wrote back in 2012 for a research seminar. I didn’t bother making any changes to the prospectus as I would have been tempted to rewrite the whole thing. My interests and views have changed since 2012. But I am sharing the draft in case it might be of interest to people curious about the life of Carlos Cooks and Pan-Africanism more generally. I’m sharing this after seeing Hancy Martinez post a blog about Cooks on his wall with which I took issue. Enjoy.
During the tenure of chattel slavery in the United States, the principal sources of rebellion against the slave system came from Blacks who had been sold into slavery from other slave areas, such as South America and the West Indies, as incorrigles. The most noteworthy among them was Gabriel, who led a rebellion in 1800. Denmark Vesey led a bloody insurrection in 1822. Nat Turner organized and led a violent attack on the slave system in 1831. Joseph Cinqué led a fairly successful mutiny on the Amistad in 1839.”
Think of it! A powerful martial Black government in Africa controlled from Cape to Cairo by Nationalist Black militarists with African ships sailing the seven seas. Africans building a universal commercial empire. African generals and ministers acting as the watchdogs of that empire, with Black armies and navies defending the empire. Ah, but the poor devils had a porter’s mentality and they scorned the doctrine of real freedom, Garveyism, for the bastard doctrine of miscegenation and the perverted Bolshevik communist promises of social equality.
More than eighty thousand West Indian immigrants arrived in New York City in the years immediately after World War I and the onset of the Great Depression in the United States. With a distinct worldview conditioned by colonial empires, they brought with them past experiences of living as transnational agents—skilled mariners, sailors, workers and soldiers– dispersed throughout Caribbean, Latin America, the Middle East and Europe. Many in their travels to countries with significant black populations discovered that all black people shared an oppressive existence, a realization that led them to adopt an internationalist Pan-Africanist perspective. Many of them cultivated a love for reading and self-improvement, securing educations, engaging in public debate, activities that in turn produced self-confidence and pride. These life experiences distinguished West Indian immigrants from their European counterparts and further manifested their differences in the discursive imaginaries they constructed and placed themselves within. While eastern European immigrants formed identities bound to their respective languages and national heritages before arriving in their new homeland, West Indian immigrants hailed from a fragmented archipelago with neither a shared language nor national heritage. That colonial reality prevented them from grounding their claims to self-determination on exclusivist nationalisms of the nation-state and instead augured the rise of the West Indian cartographer positioned on the axis of empire delineating a black globality.
From the 1930s to the early 1960s during the lull of black cultural nationalism in Harlem, Carlos Cooks of the African Nationalist Pioneer Movement (ANPM) emerged as a local cartographer of black globality. In the first quote, Cooks, a West Indian born in the Dominican Republic with family roots in St. Martin, includes himself within an historical bloc of radicalism, highlighting specific West Indians who rebelled against slavery, and placing them and the institution of slavery in the backdrop of two transformative world events: the Haitian Revolution and the Industrial Revolution.  He concludes that not morality, but practical fears spurred white men to emancipate their black slaves in order to forestall another slave revolution. The emphasis on world events in the essay reflects his understanding that the real threat to black people and their sovereignty lay outside the nation-state proper and in a white supremacist world system. The second quote describes the desire to build a black empire to protect black people from further incursions. The focus on military might suggests that black people alone should guarantee one another’s freedom. In juxtaposing miscegenation and communism, Cooks contrasts liberal pluralism in a sexual guise with socialist equality in economic terms to refute them both as false promises. He draws these comparisons to argue that true sovereignty must depend on black self-reliance, a self-reliance that would transform the black person’s social position from social object to agent of her destiny. Cooks believed that neither myths of pluralism from liberal democracy nor promises of liberation from socialism elevated the black person to a position of subject. To adhere to either liberal or socialist ideology would entail swapping one dominating whole for another, for example the United States vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in the decades after World War II. The historical tradition invoked in the first quote and the globalist vision of a black empire in the second confirm Carlos Cooks’ place in the Garveyite West Indian cultural nationalist tradition. Not only did Cooks carry on the historical legacy of Garveyism– affirming its importance for the self-determination of black people– but, in imbuing that ideological formation with purpose and cogency, he also attempted to realize its global vision, as he galvanized a new generation of followers.
Carlos Cooks drew on a tradition of West Indian radicalism to garner the support of the black masses in Harlem. He appropriated from Garveyism its “philosophical sediment” for a cultural nationalism that derived its coherence from social realities existing on a world scale. This cultural nationalism called on black people to unite under a single cause: a racial hegemony achieved through the harnessing of capital to ensure the survival of black people and usher the rise of a black empire. The material features of that political practice included creating a parallel black economy in Harlem through a “Buy Black Campaign,” erecting a Garvey Memorial Building to serve as the movement’s headquarters, a community and day-care center, and library. Because these projects required money, echoing the goals of Garvey’s African Communities League, Cooks directed his economic program at the black petite bourgeoisie of Harlem: “when and where we live in a community and are the majority population, we must own, control and dominate the commerce, business life and body politic of that community.” These endeavors earned Cooks not only praise, but also ideological legitimacy because he combined a compelling social analysis with a political program.
From 1929 when Cooks arrived in Harlem to his death in 1966, he dedicated himself to a cultural nationalism aimed at building a black empire. By analyzing Cooks’ political practice, my research explores how Carlos Cooks emerged as a black cartographer–an inventive transnationalist political figure imagining and working towards a future of black globality– in the years between the Great Depression and the advent of the Black Power movement in the United States. My research also places Cooks in larger tradition of West Indian immigrants to the United States who severed ties to their homelands of origin, came of age during the Garveyite movement, fought in the world wars, and led black nationalist movements in Harlem. But it also engages as much with world events. These world events include World War II, the 1945 Yalta Conference, the 1955 Bandung Conference, the 1957 Independence of Ghana, the 1960 Congo Crisis, and the 1961 Non-Aligned Movement Conference. These watershed moments serve as the international arena to understand how Carlos Cooks’ shaped the global imaginaries he constructed for the black people of Harlem who heard him speak from his street corner pulpit. That legitimacy as a black spokesperson for the race derived from a popular folklore, which held that Marcus Garvey himself allegedly knighted nineteen-year-old Cooks when the nationalist sapling joined Garvey’s Universal African Legion. Keeping himself abreast of what was happening in the black world, Cooks delineated in these public lectures paths of black resistance, imagined possible worlds for black people to conceive as their own, and ensured that Garvey’s dream of a black empire lived on. The emphasis on world events and how they were interpreted locally forces us to consider what it means to both practice and theorize black globality from within the colonial space of an emerging power. My future thesis shows that because Cooks’ positioned himself on the axis of U.S. power, he inevitably produced cartographies of empire delimited by imperialism and capitalism. By positioning himself as a capitalist, he hoped to finance the material construction of the world empire he imagined, thereby expanding his vision beyond state formations. But capitalism also constrained his vision and efforts because it focused him too narrowly on the pursuit of an empire. My research examines the effects and forms that dialectic of possibility and constraint assumed.
Migrating to New York City in 1929 from the Dominican Republic, living through throes of the Great Depression and fighting in World War II, during which time he met with African leaders of anti-colonial movements, Cooks returned to the Harlem after the world more committed than he had been before the war to the global liberation of black people. It can be surmised that the war must have further solidified his commitment to black globality. In 1935, before his entry into WWII, when Italy declared war on Ethiopia, Cooks took to the streets to recruit black men for the struggle against Italian fascists abroad. He went as far as to drive out any Italians who ran businesses in Harlem. In September of 1940, “in the half light of a street corner lamp,” as vast throngs of people poured out onto 125th Street and Seventh Avenue, nearby the fabled Theresa Hotel, Cooks declared:
We came here against our will. They brought us here as slaves and they’ve treated us as slaves. We owe nothing to America. America owes everything to us. This isn’t my culture. Cooks isn’t my name. This isn’t my home. My home and my culture and my name are in Africa. I’m a foreigner here. I’m a persecuted man here. I’m hated here. But I tell you what I am right now–I am a black nationalist [my emphasis].
These fiery words bore out his commitment to Garveyism and confirmed his “rejec[tion] of …theory that the Negro must give unquestioning obedience to the State [sic] and its leaders.” During those early years, Cooks enrolled in Garvey’s School of African Philosophy in London taking classes through correspondence with teachers in England. That transnational educational experience must have had a profound effect on him because in 1940 he headed a delegation of the Universal African Nationalist Movement to Washington, D.C. to “effect the repatriation of African-Americans to Africa,” and in 1941 he founded the African Nationalist Pioneer Movement (ANPM). Then, in 1959, Cooks issued a call in the Pittsburgh Courier to all black nationalists in Harlem to convene for a conference. The conference aimed to foster greater unity among the existing nationalist organizations in Harlem. The conference program defined its objectives in cultural, material and political terms. The first of these called for eliminating the word “Negro” because it resembled “nigger.” Cooks charged, “[Negro] is derogatory, vulgar and offensive. It neither defines man, land of origin nor heritage… members of the African racial group shall henceforth be addressed with the same dignity and respect extended to all races” [my emphasis]. Further, as liberation movements gained traction in the Congo, Kenya, and Ghana, Cooks interpreted these world events for black people in Harlem through his newspaper The Street Speaker and public lectures. Regarding the Congo conflict, he extolled the virtues of Patrice Lumumba as “one of the greatest African personalities to appear on the state of world affairs.” In comparison, he railed against Kwame Nkrumah’s leadership, writing “West Africa is fifty years behind the pace set by Kenya, the militant Nationalism of the Sudan and the brilliant Nationalism of North Africa.” These examples define how he served as a cartographer of empire mapping out for black people in the U.S. developments unfolding on a world stage. Given that global focus on Africa, it seems hardly surprising that the second objective item called for channeling all “material resources of the Black race, binding them together into one grand racial hegemony, whose only purpose shall be the welfare and security of Black people everywhere.” The third item demanded the resurrection of the African Community Leagues to organize a globalized black economy. The final agenda reiterated the imperative of unity to realize one common aim: “the complete freedom of Africa for the benefit of African peoples of the world.” In the years that followed, these agenda items turned to concrete material support for liberation movements in Africa, but in the process of garnering that support, Cooks constructed a global vision that was roomy for all black people to invest their deepest hopes and desires.
Historians of Pan-Africanism have largely confined their investigations to judgments. These judgments take two forms: romanticism and disdain. Neither of these approaches offers much analysis but instead replaces analysis with self-serving premises arrived at long before embarking on the research. The most authoritative work on Carlos Cooks shares the shortcomings of these previously mentioned approaches. Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism from Garvey to Malcolm compiled and edited by Robert Harris and Nyota Harris comprises a collection of articles published in The Street Speaker and transcriptions of street lectures Cooks delivered in Harlem. In addition, Harris, who served as one of Cooks’ disciples, provides an autobiographical essay, in which he argues for Cooks inclusion into the pantheon of Pan-African history. That goal leads him to romanticize Cooks instead of appraising his life from a critical distance. Nonetheless, the book offers a great descriptive introduction to Cooks’ life and ideology. “Carlos Cooks: African Nationalism’s Missing Link” by Nab Eddie Bobo serves as another primary source from one of Cooks’ former disciples. It shares the same faults of Harris’s book, but offers indispensable information about Cooks’ life. Boyd James’s Garvey, Garveyism and the Antinomies in Black Redemption situates the ideological genealogy of Pan-Africanism from Edward W. Blyden to Alexander Crummel to W.E.B. Dubois to Marcus Garvey, examining key features of the ideology. Blighted by an incorrigible penchant for bombast, obviously disdainful of the romantic renderings of Garvey’s political work, James fails to engage his subject with the very critical distance he demands from his intellectual interlocutors and the book suffers as a result. Despite these issues, he does offer a very insightful consideration of the ideological underpinnings of Garveyism. Notable exceptions to the judgmental approach include the scholarship of Brent Hayes Edwards and Michelle Ann Stephens whose work theorizes black internationalism. In Black Empire: The Masculine Global Imaginary of Caribbean Intellectuals in the United States, 1914-1962, Stephens argues that in the early twentieth-century Caribbean male intellectuals produced a gendered black globalism derived from a transatlantic history of empire and colonization. In so doing, these intellectuals–Marcus Garvey, Claude McKay, and C.L.R. James– plucked a discourse of a new black male subject from the nationalist bind of the United States and the Caribbean, one that melded the nationalism of these two distinct geographies into a black internationalism. Her work sheds new light on how Caribbean intellectuals have inhabited and analyzed “colonial space,” a site from which these intellectual have transformed their “longings and desires for the state” into the consolidation of black power. Though her work fits more within intellectual history, my thesis draws heavily on her concerns with how “blackness was an imaginary burdened by the national.” In The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation and the Rise of Black Internationalism, Brent Hayes Edwards work explores how diaspora has engendered multiple articulations. Edwards focuses on the internationalism of expatriates in France during the Harlem Renaissance. Important to my work is his term “décalage,” or gap, discrepancy, which he defines as “a discrepancy that allows the African diaspora to ‘step’ and ‘move’ in various articulations.” The book revels in the differences within the supposed unity of the African diaspora. Yet his work privileges recognizable figures during the Harlem Renaissance. My work focuses on the lesser-known street hustlers, cartographers, who mapped out global imaginaries for the common folk on the street. Nonetheless, Edwards’s work offers my own research a model to complicate the nationalist dimensions of Carlos Cooks’ life.
Winston James’s Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century America explores what factors influenced Caribbean immigrants’ radicalism in the early twentieth century. James demonstrates that Caribbean immigrants to the United States hailed from countries with black majorities, cultivated a love of learning and self-improvement that led them to acquire educational and occupational skills that coupled with a vibrant social and political life characterized by debate societies and wide travel produced self-confidence and hardiness. These characteristics ensured that when they arrived in the United States as British subjects with a protected status, they doggedly immersed themselves in the politics around them. My work draws heavily on the conclusions that James developed and contributes to his research a new West Indian voice analyzed from a different slant.
I began my research by reading snippets of Carlos Cooks’ writings and locating references to him in secondary sources. Then I asked people in Harlem and Washington Heights about him. Most of the people I asked shared folklore about his life that intrigued me and deepened my interest. In my future thesis, I hope to analyze Carlos Cooks the myth as much as Carlos Cooks the man. Therefore, my research will have literary aspects to it, focusing on the stories people tell about Cooks to determine the significance of the global imaginaries he conceived. Further, because of time constraints, I have focused exclusively on Cooks, but if possible, I would like to include a cohort of black nationalists into my study.
I have scheduled to meet with Kwame Brathwaite, one of the last living followers of Cooks and an oral historian in Harlem, during the summer to conduct a three-part interview and gather available source material if possible. I will also visit the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and consult their holdings of the newspaper The Street Speaker. I want to compare these newspapers with the excerpts that Robert Harris compiled. Additionally, I want to consult other black newspapers from the time period 1929 to 1966 for further references of Cooks. I have already consulted the Pittsburg Courier and the Chicago Defender through the Black Studies Center accessible through the W.E.B. Dubois Library at the University of Massachusetts (Amherst). By reading newspapers, I hope to construct a profile of Cooks similar to the way a fiction writer creates character profiles. I want to imagine how people perceived Cooks so as to gauge his importance in the community.
My thesis contributes to the field of disapora studies and adds fresh insight about Pan-Africanism and Garveyism in particular. My research adds to the understanding of the African diaspora by making the framework not only central to the analysis of intellectuals and literary figures but also community leaders of little renown in the pages of history. This research will meld cultural studies with diaspora studies and refract the life of Cooks from a subaltern perspective. It will also offer new knowledge on what it means to imagine political possibilities positioned in the maw of empire. This work will aid future scholarship theorizing coloniality within the United States.
“African Nationalist From Harlem Creates ‘Coloring Book’: Color Us Cullud Lampoons Negro Leadership.” New Pittsburgh Courier, February 08, 1964.
Badger, John Roberto. “Negro-America’s Lunatic Fringe.” Chicago Defender, September 18, 1943.
“Carlos A. Cooks, 53, Led African Nationalist Group.” New York Times (1923-Current file), May 7, 1966.
Carlson, John Roy. Under Cover: My Four Years in the Nazi Underworld of America– The Amazing Revelation of How Axis Agents and Our Enemies Within Are Now Plotting to Destroy the United States. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1943.
“Display Ad 9.” Pittsburgh Courier (1955-1966), July 25, 1959.
“Display Ad7.” Pittsburgh Courier (1955-1966), August 01, 1959.
“Fund Drive Launched For Garvey Memorial.” New Pittsburgh Courier (1959-1965), April 20, 1963.
“4 Hurt In Battle of African Nationalists.” Chicago Defender, June 23, 1960, A6.
Johnson, Thomas A. “Black Nationalists Gain More Attention in Harlem,” New York Times (1851-2008), July 3, 1966.
Khiss, Peter. “Negro Extremist Groups Step Up Nationalist Drive.” New York Times (1923-Current file), March 1, 1961.
“Muslims Ask Foes to 6-Hour Rally.” New Pittsburgh Courier, May 21, 1960.
“New Yorkers to Honor Marcus Garvey, Miss Africa, To be Crowned.” Chicago Defender, August 02, 1958.
Teague, Robert L. “Negroes Say Conditions in the U.S. Explain Nationalists’ Militancy.” New York Times (1923- Current file), March 2, 1961.
“To Start ‘Action’ Program: Malcolm X Remains Muslim, Pushes Economic Freedom.” New Pittsburgh Courier, March 14, 1964.
Bobo, Nab Eddie. “Carlos Cooks: African Nationalism’s Missing Link.” In Klytus Smith and Abiola Sinclair and et al. The Harlem Cultural/Political Movements, 1960-1970, From Malcolm X to ‘Black Is Beautiful.’ New York: Gumbs &Thomas Publishers, 1995.
Cooks, Carlos. “American Tradition Vetoes Integration,” “Strange isn’t it?” In Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism from Garvey to Malcolm. Comp. and Ed. by Robert Harris, Nyotta Harris, and Grandassa Harris (Dover, MA: Majority Press, 1992), 30-31.
Butler, Kim D. “Defining Diaspora, Refining a Discourse,” Diaspora 10, no. 2 (2001): 189–219.
Edwards, Brent Hayes. The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003.
__. “The Uses of Diaspora,” Social Text 66, no. 19 (2001): 45–73.
Essien-Udom, E.U. Black Nationalism: A Search for an Identity in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962.
Hall, Stuart. “Cultural Identity and Diaspora.” In Identity: Community, Culture, Difference. Ed. Jonathan Rutherford. (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1990): 222–37.
Hanchard, Michael G. Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil, 1945–1988. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994.
Harris, Robert and et al., ed. Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism: From Garvey to Malcolm. Dover, MA.: Majority Press, 1992.
James, Winston. Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethipia: Caribbean Radicalismin Early Twentieth-Century America. London: Verso, 1998.
Boyd James, C. Boyd. Garvey, Garveyism and the Antinomies in Black Redemption. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2009.
Johnson, Sterling. Black Globalism: The International Politics of a Non-State Nation. Hants: Ashgate, 1998.
Mealy, Rosemari. In Fidel and Malcolm X. Melbourne, Australia: Ocean Press, 1993.
Prashard, Vijay. The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World. New York: A New Press People’s History, 2007.
Rivera, Pedro R. “Carlos A. Cooks: A Dominican Garveyite in Harlem.” In The Afro-Latin@ Reader: History and Culture in the United States. Ed. Miriam Jiménez Román and Juan Flores. Duke University Press, 2010.
Robinson, Cedric J. Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition. London: Zed Press, 1983.
Stephens, Michelle Ann. Black Empire: The Masculine Global Imaginary of Caribbean Intellectuals in the United States, 1914-1962. London: Duke University Press, 2005.
 Carlos Cooks, “American Tradition Vetoes Integration,” in Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism from Garvey to Malcolm, compiled and edited by Robert Harris, Nyotta Harris, and Grandassa Harris (Dover, Mass: Majority Press, 1992), 30-1.
 Carlos Cooks, “Strange, Isn’t It?” in Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism, 36.
 Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism Early Twentieth-Century America (London: Verso, 1998), 357.
 James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, 52, 71-76, 80, 89. Historian C. Boyd James traces back Winston James’ “peripatetic tradition” to the nineteenth century when Africans in the Caribbean petitioned the British Crown to return to their native lands. C. Boyd James writes, “…There was a general folkculture of emigration and immigration that facilitated the formation of identity fusion which resonated with the radicalization of Africanity within the English-speaking Caribbean and vitalized and validated the concept of African return and development.” Please se C. Boyd James, Garvey, Garveyism and the Antinomies in Black Redemption (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2009), 132.
 Michelle Ann Stephens, Black Empire: The Masculine Global Imaginary of Caribbean Intellectuals in the United States, 1914-1962 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), 2-3.
 Please see James on West Indian’s awareness of their contribution to radicalism, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, 3.
 Carlos Cooks, “American Tradition Vetoes Integration,” in Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism from Garvey to Malcolm, compiled and edited by Robert Harris, Nyotta Harris, and Grandassa Harris (Dover, Mass: Majority Press, 1992), 30-31.
 Please see C. Boyd James, Garvey, Garveyism and the Antinomies, 101. The call to resist miscegenation derives from an imperative to preserve the race and foster race purity. These two objectives conform to essentialist ideas grounded in a belief that every race by nature possessed a distinct character. Please also see James concept of “black teleological historism” for the theological underpinnings of that conception, 105-108, 131-136.
 Michael G. Hanchard, Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil, 1945–1988 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1994), 56. Quoting from Antonio Gramsci’s The Prison Noteboks, Hanchard defines “philosophical sediment” as “a sedimentation of ‘common sense,” […] a document of its historical effectiveness. Common sense is not something rigid and immobile, but it is continually transforming itself, enriching itself, with scientific ideas and with philosophical opinions which have entered ordinary life. ‘Common sense’ is the folklore of philosophy… Common sense creates the folklore of the future, that is a relatively rigid phase of popular knowledge at a given place and time.”
 “Fund Drive Launched For Garvey Memorial,” New Pittsburgh Courier (1959-1965), April 20, 1963. Even though Cooks never realized his goal of erecting the Garvey Memorial in his lifetime, Ana Ofelia Rodriguez, another Dominican of West Indian descent from the island of St. Martin, is realizing that it through the Faith Ringgold Children’s Museum of Art & Storytelling, which includes affordable housing and early childhood services. The project hopes to create a bridge between the Dominican community in Washington Heights and the African American community in Harlem. Ana Ofelia Rodriguez, personal interview, April 14, 2012.
 Carlos Cooks, “Hair Cooking; Buy Black” in Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism, 66.
 Robert Harris, “Carlos A. Cooks: Ideological Son of Marcus Garvey,” in Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism, xii.
 Francis Njubi Nesbitt, Race for Sanctions: African Americans Against Apartheid, 1946-1994 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 29.
 Carlos Cooks quoted in John Roy Carlson, Under Cover, 156. For details about the scene, please see Rosemari Mealy, In Fidel and Malcolm X (Melbourne: Ocean Press, 1993), 29.
 Carlson, Under Cover
 Robert Harris, “Carlos A. Cooks: Ideological Son of Marcus Garvey,” xii-xiii.
 Ibid., xv.
 “Display Ad 9,” Pittsburgh Courier (1955-1966), July 25, 1959. “Display Ad7,” Pittsburgh Courier (1955-1966), August 01, 1959.
 Carlos Cooks, “Lumumba Foils Colonialist Plot to Partition the Congo” in Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism, 43.
 Carlos Cooks, “Kwame Nkruman of Ghana,” 45.
 Harris, “Carlos A. Cooks,” xviii-xix.
 Nab Eddie Bobo, “Carlos Cooks: African Nationalism’s Missing Link,” in Klytus Smith and Abiola Sinclair and et al., The Harlem Cultural/Political Movements, 1960-1970, From Malcolm X to ‘Black Is Beautiful’ (New York: Gumbs &Thomas Publishers, 1995), 21-26.
 C. Boyd James, Garvey, Garveyism and the Antinomies in Black Redemption, 99-122. I have not consulted the authorative biographies on Garvey, which include Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Dover Mass: Majority Press, 1976); E. David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1955); and Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press). I hope to read these books later for context, as I am less concerned with Garvey than with his ideology.
 Michelle Ann Stephens, Black Empire: The Masculine Global Imaginary of Caribbean Intellectuals in the United States, 1914-1962 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), 6, 8.
 For Stephens, these desires are highly gendered. Stephens, Black Empire, 15, 19.
 Ibid., 5.
 Brent Hayes Edwards, The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 15.
 James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, 50.